المؤلفون: Hagan, John, McCarthy, Bill, Herda, Daniel

المصدر: Theoretical Criminology; Aug2023, Vol. 27 Issue 3, p357-380, 24p

مصطلحات موضوعية: CRIMINOLOGISTS, GOVERNMENT policy, SCHOLARS, UNITED States. Racketeer Influenced & Corrupt Organizations Act, SCHOLARLY method

مستخلص: Relatively few theoretical criminologists are recognized for their lasting impact on public policy, and it is therefore instructive to reconsider a scholar whose influence endures. Donald Cressey wrote a theoretically driven Presidential Commission essay that inspired the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO). He also advanced a theory of "respectable crime" that explains why this act has more extensively been directed downwards to dismantle ethnically organized criminal groups rather than upwards to prosecute elite political conspiracies led, for example, by Chicago Mayor Richard M Daley and US President Donald J Trump. We present case studies of Daley and Trump that illustrate the continuing relevance and underappreciated potential of Cressey's theoretically driven scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

: Copyright of Theoretical Criminology is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

المؤلفون: Reddi, Madhavi, Kuo, Rachel, Kreiss, Daniel

المصدر: New Media & Society; Aug2023, Vol. 25 Issue 8, p2201-2218, 18p

مصطلحات موضوعية: DISINFORMATION, UNITED States presidential election, 2020, RACE identity, POWER (Social sciences), NARRATIVES

People: HARRIS, Kamala, 1964-

مستخلص: This article develops the concept of "identity propaganda," or narratives that strategically target and exploit identity-based differences in accord with pre-existing power structures to maintain hegemonic social orders. In proposing and developing the concept of identity propaganda, we especially aim to help researchers find new insights into their data on misinformation, disinformation, and propaganda by outlining a framework for unpacking layers of historical power relations embedded in the content they analyze. We focus on three forms of identity propaganda: othering narratives that alienate and marginalize non-white or non-dominant groups; essentializing narratives that create generalizing tropes of marginalized groups; and authenticating narratives that call upon people to prove or undermine their claims to be part of certain groups. We demonstrate the utility of this framework through our analysis of identity propaganda around Vice President Kamala Harris during the 2020 US presidential election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

: Copyright of New Media & Society is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

المؤلفون: Alexander, Jeffrey C

المصدر: Thesis Eleven; Aug2023, Vol. 177 Issue 1, p64-70, 7p

مصطلحات موضوعية: COVID-19 pandemic, BLACK Lives Matter movement, GROUP identity, POPULISM, UNITED States presidential elections

مستخلص: Written in the early months of the COVID pandemic, and in the midst of the second wave of Black Lives Matters protest, this article suggests that Americans experienced these shocking social events as a double-whammy cultural trauma, as deeply troubling to their collective identity as nation. How the trauma played out would determine the near-term future of American politics. Were the poor and non-white the principal victims of the double whammy, or were white Americans and the 'hard-working middle class' actually the injured parties? Who was the trauma's perpetrator? Was it China, inadequate healthcare, government bureaucracy, or Trump and 'know-nothing' populism? The performances that provided the most felicitous answers to such questions would determine whether the country moved to the left or the right in the months before the Presidential election that would take place before year's end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

: Copyright of Thesis Eleven is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

المؤلفون: Zhai, Wei, Fu, Xinyu, Liu, Mengyang, Peng, Zhong-Ren

المصدر: Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.); Jun2023, Vol. 60 Issue 8, p1403-1426, 24p

مصطلحات موضوعية: SOCIAL distancing, UNITED States census, COVID-19 pandemic, CULTURAL pluralism, COMMUNITIES

مصطلحات جغرافية: UNITED States

Abstract (English): The COVID-19 pandemic has been argued to be the 'great equaliser', but, in fact, ethnically and racially segregated communities are bearing a disproportionate burden from the disease. Although more people have been infected and died from the disease among these minority communities, still fewer people in these communities are complying with the suggested public health measures like social distancing. The factors contributing to these ramifications remain a long-lasting debate, in part due to the contested theories between ethnic stratification and ethnic community. To offer empirical evidence to this theoretical debate, we tracked public social-distancing behaviours from mobile phone devices across urban census tracts in the United States and employed a difference-in-difference model to examine the impact of racial/ethnic segregation on these behaviours. Specifically, we focussed on non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic communities at the neighbourhood level from three principal dimensions of ethnic segregation, namely, evenness, exposure, and concentration. Our results suggest that (1) the high ethnic diversity index can decrease social-distancing behaviours and (2) the high dissimilarity between ethnic minorities and non-Hispanic Whites can increase social-distancing behavior; (3) the high interaction index can decrease social-distancing behaviours; and (4) the high concentration of ethnic minorities can increase travel distance and non-home time but decrease work behaviours. The findings of this study shed new light on public health behaviours among minority communities and offer empirical knowledge for policymakers to better inform just and evidence-based public health orders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract (Chinese): 新冠肺炎大流行被一些人认为是"伟大的均衡器"，但事实上，种族和民族隔离社区正承受着不成比例的疾病负担。尽管这些少数族裔社区中有更多人感染并死于这种疾病，但这些社区中遵守公共卫生措施建议（如保持社交距离）的人仍然很少。对于导致这些后果的因素，人们一直在争论，部分原因是相互对立的种族分层和种族社区理论。为了为这一理论辩论提供经验证据，我们通过美国城市人口普查区移动电话设备来追踪人们保持社交距离的行为模式，并采用双重差分模型来检验种族/民族隔离对这些行为模式的影响。具体而言，我们从种族隔离的三个主要维度（即均匀度、接触度和集中度）出发，在街区层面关注非西班牙裔黑人和西班牙裔社区。我们的研究结果表明：(1) 高种族多元化指数可能会损害保持社交距离的行为；(2) 少数民族和非西班牙裔白人之间的高度差异可能会促进保持社交距离的行为；(3) 高互动指数可能会损害保持社交距离的行为；(4) 少数民族的高度集中可能会增加出行距离和非在家时间，但会减少工作行为。这项研究的结果为少数民族社区的公共卫生行为提供了新的视角，并为决策者提供了经验知识，并为其创建公正和循证的公共卫生秩序提供了更好的参考。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

: Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

المؤلفون: Na'puti, Tiara R, Frain, Sylvia C

المصدر: Security Dialogue; Apr2023, Vol. 54 Issue 2, p115-136, 22p

مصطلحات موضوعية: INDIGENOUS peoples, CLIMATE change, COLONIAL United States, ca. 1600-1775, ENVIRONMENTAL protection, MARINE parks & reserves, NATIONAL monuments

مصطلحات جغرافية: OCEANIA, UNITED States

مستخلص: This article centers Indigenous epistemologies to critique the United States oceanic security state, a modality of militarization and blue-washing conservation that extends beyond land borders to encompass federal conceptualizations of national security throughout the Pacific Ocean. Beginning with Indigenous perspectives from Oceania, it provides examples of Indigenous peoples' continuing connections to ocean spaces and challenges to United States colonial geographic imaginaries and militarized destruction. Then, advancing the concept of the oceanic security state, it examines how United States assertions of sovereignty over Oceania are used to justify hyper-militarization while simultaneously destroying the environment and contributing to the climate crisis. These phenomena occur while the USA remains exempt from federal environmental conservation laws through 'blue-washing', and the United States government benefits from the exclusion of military emission data within international climate targets. The findings reveal how militarizing all ocean space in the name of United States national security operates within delineated borders of Exclusive Economic Zones, Marine National Monuments, and Marine Protected Areas. Guided by Indigenous epistemologies, the article concludes with alternative ways of understanding ocean spaces and constructing futures of genuine security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

: Copyright of Security Dialogue is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

المؤلفون: McKenna, Bernard, Brienza, Justin P., Intezari, Ali

المصدر: Critical Sociology (Sage Publications, Ltd.); Jul2023, Vol. 49 Issue 4/5, p625-645, 21p

مصطلحات موضوعية: UNITED States presidential election, 2020, PREJUDICES, AUTHORITARIANISM, GROUP identity

People: TRUMP, Donald, 1946-

مستخلص: This paper builds on Smith and Hanley's finding that Trump's supporters were not solely driven by demographics and economic distress, but predominantly by prejudices and preference for an overt authoritarian leadership. Our longitudinal study of the 2020 US Presidential election extended their study to test additional propositions about tribalism by considering two intergroup factors: an orientation to protestors and minorities and conservative vs liberal ingroups. While there was a strong negative correlation between attitude to protestors and to minorities, the strength of correlation between liberal and conservative ingroup 'membership' and support/vote for Trump/Biden was more telling. Essentially, because tribalism factors overpowered almost every variable including political orientation, we conclude that identity-based tribalism is now the primary basis of political allegiance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

: Copyright of Critical Sociology (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

المؤلفون: Venizelos, Giorgos

المصدر: Critical Sociology (Sage Publications, Ltd.); Jul2023, Vol. 49 Issue 4/5, p647-667, 21p

مصطلحات موضوعية: UNITED States presidential election, 2020, IDENTITY politics, POPULISM, PERFORMATIVE (Philosophy)

People: TRUMP, Donald, 1946-

مستخلص: Donald Trump's style is often described as provocative and his administration as catastrophic. Despite this, his popularity remained high throughout his term in office, and in the 2020 US elections, he received 10 million votes more than in 2016. This paper investigates the paradox of political identification through a discursive, performative and stylistic framework. It argues that policy outcomes and rhetorical consistency do not suffice in understanding identification. Rather, transgression – which is typical of populist performativity – plays a pivotal role in interpellating affective collective subjectivities. This article investigates the case of Donald Trump, from his emergence in 2015 until the 2021 Capitol insurgence. It employs discourse and visual analysis to study Trump's rhetoric and performativity, integrating this with in-depth interviews and ethnographic research to examine the ways his style resonated with his supporters. It concludes that charismatic performativity and transgression play a crucial role in political identification regardless of the quality of institutional performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

: Copyright of Critical Sociology (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

المؤلفون: Kaempf, Sebastian, Stahl, Roger

المصدر: Millennium (03058298); Jul2023, Vol. 51 Issue 3, p643-662, 20p

مصطلحات موضوعية: REALITY television programs, GERMAN military, PUBLIC relations, TELEVISION programmers & programming, UNITED States armed forces, COSMOPOLITANISM, MILITARISM

مصطلحات جغرافية: AFGHANISTAN, IRAQ

الشركة/الكيان: GERMANY. Bundeswehr

Abstract (English): The past decade has seen the global growth of military-style reality television programming. These programmes, produced by militaries themselves or through collaboration with the entertainment sector, have proven to be an effective and increasingly powerful public relations conduit. Our article offers a theoretical treatment of reality television, both the aesthetic modes by which it invites the viewing subject as well as the political economy of its use in public relations. These dimensions are explored through two case studies. First, we focus on the genesis of military-style reality TV in the United States, where, after 9/11, the US military seized on the genre to pioneer and field-test various themes in response to public exigency as the occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq drew on. Second, we analyse the German military as both a latecomer and innovator to these new public relations endeavours. By reading the generic and aesthetic strategies in both cases, we argue that the genre's public relations function goes beyond the immediate task of recruitment to cultivate civic participation in militaristic fantasies through a mediasphere rife with invitations to 'go soldier'. Military reality TV, we argue, represents the militarization of civic identity and the gradual displacement of values from deliberative to authoritarian, cosmopolitan to nationalistic and diplomatic to combative. Jeux éliminatoires : L'essor mondial de la télé-réalité militaire et la formation du citoyen sujet [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract (Spanish): A lo largo de la última década, se ha observado un crecimiento global de programas de tipo reality show militares. Tales programas, producidos directamente por militares o en colaboración con el sector del entretenimiento, se han revelado como un canal eficaz y cada vez más potente de relaciones públicas. Nuestro artículo ofrece un tratamiento teórico de la telerrealidad, tanto en lo referente a los modos estéticos por los que invita al sujeto telespectador como en la economía política de su uso en las relaciones públicas. Estas dimensiones se exploran a través de dos estudios de caso. En primer lugar, nos centramos en la génesis de los reality shows militares en EE. UU., donde, tras los atentados del 11 de septiembre de 2001, el sector militar de este país recurrió a este género para innovar y hacer pruebas con diversas temáticas en respuesta a las exigencias del público a medida que se prolongaban las ocupaciones de Afganistán e Iraq. En segundo lugar, analizamos el caso de las fuerzas militares alemanas como usuarias tardías y también como innovadoras de estas nuevas iniciativas de relaciones públicas. Mediante la lectura de las estrategias de género y estética de ambos casos, planteamos que la función de relaciones públicas de este género va más allá del cometido inmediato del reclutamiento, para cultivar la participación civil en fantasías militaristas a través de un universo mediático plagado de invitaciones a «verse como soldado». Sostenemos que los reality shows militares suponen la militarización de la identidad cívica y el desplazamiento gradual de valores desde lo deliberativo hacia lo autoritario, desde lo cosmopolita hacia lo nacionalista y desde lo diplomático hacia lo combativo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract (French): La dernière décennie a vu croître au niveau mondial les programmes de télé-réalité militaire. Ces programmes, produits par les forces armées elles-mêmes ou issus d'une collaboration avec le secteur du divertissement, se sont révélés constituer un canal de relations publiques efficace et de plus en plus puissant. Notre article propose un traitement théorique de la télé-réalité, non seulement des moyens esthétiques par lesquels elle attire les téléspectateurs mais aussi de l'économie politique qui sous-tend son utilisation dans les relations publiques. Ces dimensions sont explorées à travers deux études de cas. Premièrement, nous nous intéressons à la genèse de la télé-réalité militaire aux États-Unis où, après les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, l'armée s'est emparée du genre pour innover et tester en conditions réelles différents thèmes en réponse à la demande du public, alors que l'occupation de l'Afghanistan et de l'Iraq progressait. Deuxièmement, nous analysons comment l'armée allemande s'est saisie à la fois tardivement et de manière novatrice de ces nouvelles stratégies de relations publiques. En interprétant les stratégies génériques et esthétiques de ces deux cas, nous soutenons que les relations publiques du genre vont au-delà de la tâche immédiate de recrutement pour entretenir la participation civique dans le fantasme militaire à travers une sphère médiatique invitant le téléspectateur à devenir lui-même soldat. Notre argument est que la télé-réalité militaire reflète la militarisation de l'identité civique et le déplacement progressif des valeurs : de délibératives à autoritaires, de cosmopolites à nationalistes, de diplomatiques à combatives. Juegos de eliminación: El ascenso global de los reality shows militares y la conformación del sujeto ciudadano [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

: Copyright of Millennium (03058298) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

المؤلفون: Mueller, Jason C.

المصدر: Race & Class; Jul2023, Vol. 65 Issue 1, p61-82, 22p

مصطلحات موضوعية: WAR on Terrorism, 2001-2009, ECONOMICS, IDEOLOGY, FOREIGN relations of the United States

مصطلحات جغرافية: SOMALIA

مستخلص: For over twenty years the United States government has engaged in what it calls a global 'war on terror' (GWOT). This war spans continents and while US interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq receive modest attention, the secretive US war in Somalia remains under-discussed. This article offers an empirical and theoretical examination of what the US has done in Somalia since 2001, considering the political, economic and ideological elements of these acts. Data on the US's war on the Somali people is placed in dialogue with ongoing theorising on the merits of reparations in the world system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

: Copyright of Race & Class is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

المؤلفون: Schulz, Carsten-Andreas, Levick, Laura

المصدر: International Political Science Review; Jun2023, Vol. 44 Issue 3, p316-333, 18p

مصطلحات موضوعية: RATIFICATION of treaties, ACTIVISM, CONTRACTS, TREATIES, SURVIVAL analysis (Biometry), UNITED States history

الشركة/الكيان: UNITED Nations

مستخلص: Latin American states have long been active participants in multilateral treaty making. However, the rich history of Latin American legal activism contrasts with debates about the degree to which these states commit to international agreements. We probe the existence of this purported 'commitment gap' by analyzing the signing and ratification of multilateral treaties. Are Latin American states less likely to ratify agreements they have signed than states from other world regions? Using survival analysis of an original dataset on multilateral treaties deposited with the UN Secretary-General, we find no difference between Latin America and North America/Europe in terms of ratification. If a commitment gap exists, it appears to be more evident in other regions, particularly East Asia, Africa, and the Anglo-Caribbean. To the extent that there is a 'commitment gap' at the regional level in Latin America, it is unlikely to be due to country-level factors such as domestic institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

: Copyright of International Political Science Review is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)