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1دورية أكاديمية
المؤلفون: Hirst, Derek
المصدر: Huntington Library Quarterly, 2007 Sep . 70(3), 401-426.
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2دورية أكاديمية
المؤلفون: Bejan, Teresa M.
المصدر: The Journal of Politics, 2015 Oct 01. 77(4), 1103-1114.
URL الوصول: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/682568
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3دورية أكاديمية
المؤلفون: Spinner-Halev, Jeff
المصدر: Political Theory, 2005 Feb 01. 33(1), 28-57.
URL الوصول: https://www.jstor.org/stable/30038394
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4
المؤلفون: R. Po-chia Hsia
المصدر: Studies in Church History. 54:208-224
مصطلحات موضوعية: History, Sociology and Political Science, media_common.quotation_subject, History of China, Religious studies, Empire, 06 humanities and the arts, Toleration, Ancient history, Christianity, 060104 history, Power (social and political), Politics, Protestantism, 0601 history and archaeology, China, media_common
الوصف: Reflecting on the theme of ‘Empire and Christianity’, this article compares two periods in the Catholic mission to China. The first period, between 1583 and 1800, was characterized by the accommodation of European missionaries to the laws, culture and customs of the Chinese empire during the Ming and Qing dynasties. The work of the Jesuits, in particular, demonstrated a method of evangelization in which Christian teachings could be accommodated to the political realities of Late Imperial China as exemplified by the work of Matteo Ricci, Ferdinand Verbiest, Tomas Pereira, Joachim Gerbillon and many generations of Jesuits and missionaries of other religious orders. The Chinese Rites Controversy, however, disrupted this accommodation between Christianity and empire in China. Despite tacit toleration in the capital, Christianity was outlawed after 1705. After the suppression of the Society of Jesus in 1773, Catholicism in China became increasingly indigenized. In 1842, after the defeat of the Qing empire by the British in the First Opium War, the prohibition of Christianity was lifted. Both Catholic and Protestant missionaries entered China, backed by Western diplomatic and military power. This led to the confrontation between China and Christianity, culminating in the 1900 Boxer Uprising. A concerted effort to indigenize Christianity in the early twentieth century ultimately failed, resulting in the separation of Christianity in China from global Christianity after 1950.
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المؤلفون: Jeremy Fradkin
المصدر: Journal of British Studies. 56:273-294
مصطلحات موضوعية: Cultural Studies, History, media_common.quotation_subject, Sixteenth century, Interfaith relations, Colonialism, Irenicism, Anti-Catholicism, Christianity, 060104 history, Protestantism, 0601 history and archaeology, Confessional, Religious studies, media_common, Empire, 06 humanities and the arts, Toleration, English Civil War (Great Britain, 060202 literary studies, Jews, 0602 languages and literature, English Revolution, Ireland, Seventeenth century
الوصف: This article examines the religious and political worldview of the Scottish minister John Dury during the English Revolution of the mid-seventeenth century. It argues that Dury's activities as an irenicist and philo-semite must be understood as interrelated aspects of an expansionist Protestant cause that included Britain, Ireland, continental Europe, and the Atlantic world. Dury sought to imitate and counter what he perceived to be the principal strengths of early modern Catholicism: confessional unity, imperial expansion, and the coordination of global missionary efforts. The 1640s and 1650s saw the scope of Dury's long-standing vision grow to encompass colonial expansion in Ireland and America, where English and continental Protestants might work together to fortify their position against Spain and its growing Catholic empire. Both Portuguese Jews and American Indians appear in this vision as victims of Spanish Catholicism in desperate need of Protestant help. This article thus offers new perspectives on several aspects of Dury's career, including his relationship with displaced Anglo-Irish Protestants in London, his proposal to establish a college for the study of Jewish learning and “Oriental” languages, his speculation regarding the Lost Tribes of Israel in America, and his cautious advocacy for the toleration of Jews in England.
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المؤلفون: Stephen Jackson
المصدر: The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History. 42:693-709
مصطلحات موضوعية: History, media_common.quotation_subject, Ethnic group, Identity (social science), Toleration, Development, Christianity, Democracy, Protestantism, State (polity), Law, Political Science and International Relations, Religious education, Sociology, media_common
الوصف: This article examines the establishment of legally mandated Protestant training in the Australian state of Victoria and the Canadian province of Ontario. Fearing moral decay at home and a menacing world environment seemingly unfavourable to the ‘British way of life’ in the 1940s, educators asserted that religion, and specifically Protestant Christianity, was the only means by which the moral core of their British democracy could be preserved. The teaching of religious instruction was highly controversial in both places. Supporters of the new curriculum believed the religious courses would strengthen the British identity and moral backbone of the Canadian and Australian nations, while opponents argued that imposing religion in the classroom was antithetical to British ideals of freedom and toleration. Educators struggled to reconcile these divergent views on how religion fitted into a wider British identity, and the resulting tension exposed the points of ethnic and cultural fracture that undermined the cr...
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7
المؤلفون: Susanna Linsley
المصدر: Journal of the Early Republic. 34:625-651
مصطلحات موضوعية: Cultural Studies, History, Sociology and Political Science, media_common.quotation_subject, Toleration, Christianity, The Republic, Power (social and political), Politics, Protestantism, Law, Elite, Sociology, Christian Zionism, media_common
الوصف: In February of 1820, a cohort of clergymen and lay leaders gathered in New York City to launch a new, multidenominational, nationwide missionary project called "The American Society for Meliorating the Condition of the Jews." The Society was spearheaded by Joseph Samuel Christian Frederick Frey, a former rabbinical student who had converted to Christianity as a young man in his native Germany. Before immigrating to the United States, Frey had spent some time as a missionary in England where he helped to found the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews. As the group's popularity grew among the Lutheran and Reformed communities who had built the organization, Anglican members wrested control of the leadership and expelled nonconformists. Rejected from his life's work, Frey traveled to the United States to start again.1In New York, Frey became involved with the city's Presbyterian community and began preaching in a city church. Once settled in the community and with the urging of friends and local clergymen, he revisited his pet project to evangelize Jews. Frey's idea to build an organization to preach to Jews appealed to his American Presbyterian colleagues and quickly attracted interest from members of other Protestant denominations, including a number of influential political and religious leaders such as John Quincy Adams, Peter Jay, and the presidents of Yale, Princeton, and Rutgers: Jeremiah Day, Ashbel Green, and Philip Milledoler.2Members of the American Society for Meliorating the Condition of the Jews believed that they were in a unique position to usher in a new era of cooperation between Christians and Jews. While Europe was still riddled with dogmatism, participants in the society mused that Americans "heartily rejoice[d] in every triumph of real liberality," and were truly "open-minded" and "free from prejudice." They viewed their enthusiasm as evidence that "bigotry had no power, and even toleration [was] not an appropriate term" to describe the environment of religious freedom in the United States. To realize its vision, the Society partnered with a German nobleman, Count Adelbert Von der Reke, who promised to recruit converts for the colony from among the thousands of European Jews he claimed had already embraced, or wanted to embrace, Christianity. On the American side, the Society-an executive board based in New York, a network of auxiliary societies spanning from Maine to Georgia, and a small group of converts-worked to raise money to procure property for a colony to settle the converts. In short, the Society's tolerant mission would evangelize and colonize Jews.3How do we make sense of this strange coalition-a former rabbinical student, a German count, a group of American religious and political elite, a sundry network of Protestant charitable societies, and a phalanx of "Hebrew Christians"-who promoted tolerance and unity in the United States by evangelizing and colonizing European Jews? The members of the American Society for Meliorating the Condition of the Jews were inspired by evangelical impulses encouraging them to put aside their denominational differences in order to spread the kingdom of Christ. They were also influenced by Christian Zionism, or Restorationism, a biblical prophecy that led many evangelicals to believe that the restoration of Jews to Israel was a prerequisite for Christ's return to Earth. At the same time, the American Society for Meliorating the Condition of the Jews reflected new trends emerging in the years between the Revolution and the Civil War. Americans were trying to figure out how to construct policies, institutions, and practices to accommodate the variety of religious life in the United States, given that they fundamentally embraced civil and religious liberty, yet few were interested in compromising their own beliefs.4Many historians have worked to make sense of Americans' conflicted embrace of religious freedom. They have revealed that while Americans viewed religious freedom as a fundamental right, many also tended to believe that in order for the republic to flourish, coercive measures were necessary to cultivate a virtuous society. …
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المؤلفون: Jack Turner
المصدر: Modern Intellectual History. 8:267-297
مصطلحات موضوعية: Cultural Studies, History, Sociology and Political Science, Philosophy, media_common.quotation_subject, Toleration, Geopolitics, Christianity, Colonialism, Scholarship, Protestantism, Religious studies, media_common
الوصف: John Locke was considerably interested and actively involved in the promotion of Protestant Christianity among American Indians and African slaves, yet this fact goes largely unremarked in historical scholarship. The evidence of this interest and involvement deserves analysis—for it illuminates fascinating and understudied features of Locke's theory of toleration and his thinking on American Indians, African slaves, and English colonialism. These features include (1) the compatibility between toleration and Christian mission, (2) the interconnection between Christian mission and English geopolitics, (3) the coexistence of ameliorative and exploitative strands within Locke's stance on African slavery, and (4) the spiritual imperialism of Locke's colonial vision. Analyzing evidence of Locke's interest and involvement in Christian mission, this article brings fully to light a dimension of Locke's career that has barely been noticed. In so doing, it also illustrates how the roots of toleration in the modern West were partly evangelical.
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المؤلفون: Tara Thompson Strauch
المصدر: Journal of the Early Republic. 34:282-284
مصطلحات موضوعية: Cultural Studies, Political radicalism, History, Sociology and Political Science, media_common.quotation_subject, Toleration, Christianity, Politics, Politics of the United States, History of religions, Protestantism, Law, Sociology, Secular state, media_common
الوصف: Church-State Relations in the Early American Republic, 1787-1846. By James S. Kabala. (London: Pickering 8? Chatto Press, 2013. Pp. 264. Hardcover, $99.00.)Reviewed by Tara Thompson StrauchScholars tend to tell the story of religion and American politics either as an intellectual history of politicians or as an ecclesiastically centered religious history. This book by James Kabala looks instead at the creation of a Protestant consensus in the public sphere and thus escapes the somewhat artificial divide between political and religious thought. By looking at the decades between the Constitution and massive influx of Catholic immigrants in the late 1840s, Kabala isolates the immediate consequences of the Constitution's inconclusive statements on the relationship between Church and State. Rather than analyzing Jefferson's "wall of separation" or Washington's "religious awe," although this book talks about both, Kabala looks at the realities of proliferating denominations and religious outsiders such as Indians, deists, Jews, and atheists. Such realities caused tensions between the secular federal government and the less secular states that, Kabala implies, eventually pushed Americans toward a new understanding of religious tolerance.Kabala's driving narrative is to uncover the existence of a Protestant non-sectarian consensus among religious and political leaders, which served to dampen both secular and religious radicalism within American politics. At times, the author's attempt to organize religious and political minds according to denomination or party leaves the reader with more exceptions than rules concerning the composition of this consensus; yet it seems quite probable that many Americans did ascribe to a set of common religious beliefs that marked polite society including acceptance of the trinity, anti-Catholicism, and a future system of rewards and punishments. Even for Unitarian John Quincy Adams, " 'Christianity' and 'civilization' were regarded as inseparable" (24). Even as Massachusetts, the last state to retain an established church, removed ministerial taxes and other elements of an intertwined church-state relationship, American leaders continued to stress that good civil Americans were Christians of a particular mold.The book begins by examining the confusing and often contradictory relationship between religious culture and the federal government. Despite the lack of an established church and religious restrictions on office holders, the United States government had extensive dealings with religious men and culture in the form of Indian missionaries, congressional chaplains, and Sunday mail, among others. Kabala stresses that political opinion was not decided on any of these governmental positions; often, it depended on the character and political acumen of the men championing these religiously minded institutions. Objections to these offices were often made not because of their religious nature, but because of the morality of the officeholder or, as in the case of the Sunday mail, the needs of a modem nation.By the beginning of the nineteenth century, the federal government and increasingly the state governments provided general toleration and tacit support to those who belonged to the "Non-Sectarian Consensus." At this point, Kabala moves from a broad discussion of religio-political thought to a more concrete discussion of the legal implications of the limits of toleration in the form of religious test oaths and witness competency. These chapters are the most compelling of the book because their clear argument carefully illustrates the tension between political inclusivity and the fear of moral declension. …
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المؤلفون: Ralph C. Wood
المصدر: Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture. 12:158-185
مصطلحات موضوعية: Virtue, Strategy and Management, Mechanical Engineering, media_common.quotation_subject, Philosophy, Metals and Alloys, Toleration, Christianity, Industrial and Manufacturing Engineering, Liberalism, Protestantism, Pluralism (political theory), Law, Public sphere, State of nature, media_common
الوصف: "MODERN TOLERATION IS REALLY A TYRANNY," declares G. K. Chesterton. "It is a tyranny because it is a silence. To say that I must not deny my opponent's faith is to say I must not discuss it." (1) In a similarly barbed aphorism, Chesterton describes tolerance as "the virtue of a man without convictions." Chesterton thus explains the pagan persecution of the early Church as oddly justified. Christianity, he says, "was intolerable because it was intolerant." (2) Such angular convictions often lead to the dismissal of Chesterton as an antediluvian reactionary seeking an ark whereon he might survive the flood of modernity, a comic curmudgeon vainly hoping to reinstate an idealized version of the Middle Ages. Quite to the contrary, Chesterton was an unrepentant enthusiast for modernity's chief accomplishment--the French Revolution and its democratic deliverance of the common man from his old feudal estate as serf and villein, elevating him to a social and political sufficiency heretofore unknown. At last the world had recognized, in Chesterton's view, a fundamental teaching of the Church that the Church itself had often neglected. He affirms this teaching in his book on Dickens, that greatest of democratic novelists: "All men are equal as all pennies are equal, because the only value in any of them is that they bear the image of the King." (3) With democratic equality comes an attendant pluralism in matters political and religious, since neither the Church nor the state can any longer exercise an externally imposed conformity to a single way of life. Instead, there are legitimate differences in both belief and behavior that the state must protect. The shorthand word for such a pluralistic political regime is liberalism, and it is noteworthy that Chesterton styled himself as a Liberal (albeit as a member of a particular political party) from youth to death. (4) There are many kinds of liberalism, of course, but Judith Sklar describes the generic term quite adequately: "Every adult should be able to make as many effective decisions without fear or favor about as many aspects of her or his life as is compatible with the like freedom of every other adult." (5) As a man who had made such an "effective decision" in becoming a Roman Catholic, Chesterton embraced the pluralism that enabled his open and public act. He crossed the Tiber, at least in part, because he sought a faith that would provide both pith and heft for the making of his literary witness in a liberal democracy. That the religiously indifferent Chesterton first became a devout Anglican and then a Catholic convert indicates his early discernment that the liberal project would not suffice unto itself. It had a canker at its core, and the worm eating at its heart was called "tolerance." For, while liberalism could offer protections against common evils, it would have an increasing difficulty defining common goods. Chesterton was among the first to recognize that his own inherited liberalism would issue in an unprecedented secularism, rapidly displacing religion from the center of human life. (6) The movement that began with the aim of setting people free would threaten, in fact, to empty the public sphere of those virtues that alone might prevent a return to the brute and slavish state of nature that Thomas Hobbes envisioned: the "war of all against all." Hence the need briefly to survey the history of tolerance and to outline a Christian alternative to it before embarking on a reading of The Ball and the Cross. I. Toleration is a subject that, almost more than any other, preoccupies modern mentality. Baruch Spinoza, John Milton, G. E. Lessing, Pierre Bayle, Roger Williams, and William Penn all devoted themselves to it. Yet it is John Locke's "Letter on Toleration" that still shapes the debate. Once the Protestant Reformation had finally exploded the already fissiparating unity of Europe, repression and even civil war soon riddled English life. …
URL الوصول: https://explore.openaire.eu/search/publication?articleId=doi_________::a4280eb5d770f35c09c335865cb6c6ad
https://doi.org/10.1353/log.0.0053
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